Italy and united nations relationship goals

The United Nations is born - HISTORY

italy and united nations relationship goals

United Nations: The United Nations, a multipurpose international other important objectives include developing friendly relations among originally used to denote the countries allied against Germany, Italy, and Japan. 1) Ever since it became a member of the United Nations in , Italy has played a of international peace and security and to the other objectives cited in article 1, 4) One of the general functions of the United Nations is to oversee relations. (68th Session). Italy. H.E. zolyblog.info Letta. UN Photo/ Download had been made on the Millennium Development Goals; however, the capacity issue of a sustainable relationship between consumption and production.

Unless the measures taken by the United Nations are genuinely effective, any apparent progress would be a delusion which might distract the United States and other free democracies from the dangers of Soviet imperialism.

The United States supports the plan of control of atomic energy developed by the United Nations Atomic Energy Commission after three years of work and approved by the General Assembly on November 4, The Soviet Union has embarked on a propaganda campaign to place upon the United States the full responsibility for the failure of the United Nations to secure control of atomic energy and the regulation of conventional armaments.

Even though recognizing the virtual impossibility of agreement with the Soviet Union the United States must continue to advocate regulation and control of all arms and armed forces, including atomic weapons. This will serve as a demonstration of United States desire for peace and to carry out the Charter requirements Article 26and will also aid in establishing the falsity of the Soviet propaganda line.

The provision of armed forces under Article The United States continues to support a policy of seeking agreements to provide the United Nations with armed forces as contemplated in the Charter, though recognizing the impossibility under existing world conditions of securing any measure of agreement on this subject. Of its 41 articles of recommendation 25 were agreed unanimously by all members of the Military Staff Committee, but agreement was not reached on the remaining 16, due mainly to the following principal differences between the Soviet Union and the other four members of the committee the US, UK, China, and France.

italy and united nations relationship goals

The Soviet Union proposed that forces of each type should be made available in equal quantities by each of the five permanent members of the Security Council. This would make it possible for the air and naval forces to be predominantly British and American, and the land forces predominantly Russian and Chinese. The disagreement concerned this relative make-up of the contributions rather than their over-all size.

On the latter point, there appeared to be no insuperable difficulty, although it was not explored conclusively. No action relating to the provision of armed forces, assistance, and facilities under Article 43 took place in any organ of the UN inand the matter now remains at rest on the divergent views outlined above. With reference to the various proposals that have been suggested for open-ended general defense pacts under Article 51 to include all except the Soviet-controlled countries, this Government is willing open-mindedly to study such proposals, but for the present is not prepared to accept any that have yet been proposed in specific terms.

The US has, in general, favored the achievement of a practically universal membership by the UN. Soviet rejection of this plan led to a stalemate which has continued ever since.

Inafter Soviet rejection of our proposal, and in every subsequent year, all other non-Soviet applicants have been vetoed by the Soviet Union and all Soviet applicants have failed to secure the necessary 7 votes in the SC.

In the SC, the US has generally abstained from the vote on the Soviet candidates chiefly in consequence of our position concerning the veto. Since the US has regularly stated that it does not intend to permit its privileged vote to prevent the admission to membership of any state which has secured as many as 7 affirmative votes in the SC.

Italy and the United Nations

We have, however, opposed the Soviet candidates as not qualifying under Article 4 of the Charter. We have stated that the assistance given by Albania and Bulgaria to the Greek guerrillas shows clearly their unwillingness to carry out Charter obligations; a similar position has been taken with regard to the violations of the human rights provisions of the peace treaties by Hungary, Rumania, and Bulgaria.

This proposal has been decisively rejected in the SC and GA. In the North Korean regime submitted an application. The SC refused even to refer the application to its membership committee. The US stated that this was not even an application within [Page 38] the meaning of the Rules of Procedure and that the Security Council should not even entertain it.

One of the principal problems in UN organs during has been the question of Chinese representation. This question has been particularly important in the Security Council of which China is a permanent member. Because its efforts to unseat representatives of the Chinese National Government and seat representatives of the Communist regime have been unsuccessful, the USSR and its satellites refused to participate in all UN bodies and agencies which met from January 13 to August 1,except the Executive and Liaison Committee of the UPU where a Chinese Communist was seated for the duration of the session.

The basic position of the United States on the representation issue is that since we recognize the National Government as the Government of China, we oppose any proposal to unseat its representatives or seat representatives of the Communist regime, but will accept the decision of any organ of the UN made by the necessary majority.

With respect to the application of the veto in the SC on this matter, we maintain that a question of representation relates to the organization of the Council; it is therefore a procedural matter and not subject to veto. It provides that the United Nations should promote: Since the utilization of this organizational framework is not dependent on Soviet participation or subject to the Soviet veto, it provides [Page 39] a solid and continuing base for cooperation among the free nations of the world that is not susceptible to Soviet obstruction.

A few of the major policy problems in this field are, briefly: It is important from the standpoint of the broad interests of the United States to carry out a major part of the technical assistance program on a multilateral rather than a bilateral basis.

Some under-developed countries have maintained that the resources of the International Bank are inadequate to the need for international capital or that the terms of its loans are too strict, and have urged the establishment of new international financing agencies which would be able to make loans on more generous terms and conditions. The United States has maintained that private investment and public capital should be complementary, not competing, means of financing development and has argued against the establishment of new lending institutions while the International Bank still has a very significant unused lending potential.

In the case of UNICEF and IRO, the United States has taken the position that these bodies should be terminated when the bulk of their work has been completed and arrangements made within the UN specialized agency framework to handle residual or continuing problems at reduced cost. This point of view has been resisted by a number of countries which feel that there is continuing need for larger financial resources to deal with these problems in which the share of financial support has fallen most heavily upon the US.

The US has carried its position with regard to the European refugee problem.

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On the matter of activities on behalf of children, sufficient agreement was reached in the Economic and Social Council to warrant the belief that the General Assembly at its meeting will pass a resolution on this subject which will be acceptable to the US. The inauguration of a works program by UNPRA in lieu of relief is based not only on humanitarian considerations but also on political interests of the US, UK, and France, and many other UN Members, in the maintenance of peace and stability in tins area.

It remains to [Page 40] be determined whether or not UN machinery can or should be utilized for any longer range development programs by way of assistance to refugees or as a method of contributing to the peaceful settlement of disputes of which the UN is seized. Failure of the United States to ratify the International Trade Organization ITO Charter, in the preparations and negotiations for which the US played the leading role, would have serious repercussions.

Without US ratification, it would be more difficult for the US to pursue the liberal trade policy which it has developed and our failure to ratify might be considered as a reversal of that policy. The ITO, moreover, is an important part of the interrelated organization framework which can hardly function satisfactorily until the ITO is in operation.

It has also sought to include certain additional principles not incorporated in that Declaration, such as a general article on Freedom of the Press in lieu of a separate convention on that subject. The adoption of this Covenant and subsequent ratification by the US and other free countries would promote the struggle against totalitarianism.

The US is opposed to the inclusion of economic and social rights in the Covenant, as it feels that these rights can be dealt with more satisfactorily through the medium of other organizations, particularly the International Labor Organization.

The US, by virtue of its responsibility for one trust territory and six non-self-governing territories, has certain concerns in common with the other administering Members but also by tradition and present conviction shares some of the viewpoints of the non-administering Members. It requires for its security the strengthening of its western European allies, among whom are the principal colonial powers, the continued friendship of the non-administering states, and the alignment of dependent peoples with the democratic world.

The US cannot afford to allow peoples who have recently emerged from colonial status or those who are yet to emerge to feel that their best hopes lie with the Soviet Union. The US seeks to [Page 41] encourage political, economic, social, and educational advancement of dependent peoples in such a manner as to convince administering powers, non-administering powers, and dependent peoples that our objectives in relation to dependent areas provide for the greatest possible mutual benefit of all three groups.

The political objectives of the US have been to favor the progressive development of all dependent peoples toward the goal of self-government insofar as they may desire it and are capable of it, and the development of dependent territories where conditions are suitable toward independence; and to encourage the metropolitan governments to take progressive steps toward the achievement of these goals by fostering the growth of responsible democratic movements and institutions among indigenous peoples.

The US hopes that in the interests of avoiding fragmentation of the world, many colonial peoples will wish to attain self-government within some associative relationship with the metropolitan country. In pursuing these goals the US seeks understanding and cooperation with the other colonial powers and, to the greatest degree possible, the acceptance by the latter of basic US objectives; and, in like manner, it seeks understanding on the part of the non-colonial powers of the objectives of the US as well as the problems, responsibilities, and achievements of the other colonial powers.

To promote these political objectives the US seeks to assist the metropolitan powers in strengthening the economic, educational, and social development of dependent territories, encouraging mutually advantageous economic relations between colonial areas and metropolitan countries, as well as with the US and the rest of the free world.

This objective is being sought through efforts to utilize UN organs and agencies for the constructive exchange of ideas and experience, particularly focusing attention on specialized problems in the fields of public health, agriculture, commerce, and the development of basic resources. It has strongly supported the concept of the executive responsibility of the Secretary-General. This policy has proved itself in the prestige of US nationals on the secretariat and the general acceptance of the fact that they are not there as representatives of the US Government.

Although the four countries agreed on the general purpose, structure, and function of a new world organization, the conference ended amid continuing disagreement over membership and voting. At the Yalta Conferencea meeting of the Big Three in a Crimean resort city in FebruaryRoosevelt, Churchill, and Stalin laid the basis for charter provisions delimiting the authority of the Security Council.

Moreover, they reached a tentative accord on the number of Soviet republics to be granted independent memberships in the UN.

italy and united nations relationship goals

Finally, the three leaders agreed that the new organization would include a trusteeship system to succeed the League of Nations mandate system. The San Francisco conference was attended by representatives of 50 countries from all geographic areas of the world: Poland, which was not present at the conference, was permitted to become an original member of the UN.

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Security Council veto power among the permanent members was affirmed, though any member of the General Assembly was able to raise issues for discussion. Other political issues resolved by compromise were the role of the organization in the promotion of economic and social welfare; the status of colonial areas and the distribution of trusteeships; the status of regional and defense arrangements; and Great Power dominance versus the equality of states.

Organization and administration Principles and membership The purposes, principles, and organization of the United Nations are outlined in the Charter. On a different front, Italy has actively promoted a greater awareness at the United Nations of the role played by the new information and communication technologies.

Globalization of the economy and society have heightened the risk of dividing countries and peoples along the digital gap rather than bringing them together. To avert such a risk, the new knowledge-based resources and wealth should be mobilized also to benefit developing countries. This is one of the ideas behind the World Television Forum, the annual meeting of international media representatives entering its fifth edition this year. Italy was a founder of this important forum and continues to be one of the top contributors.

In the Working Group on Security Council reform, Italy has played a prominent role, striving to make the Council more transparent, effective, and truly representative of all Member States and their regional groups.

Italy is also pushing for a more equitable balance and more constructive interaction between the chief organs of the United Nations: In particular, ECOSOC should be allowed to fully express its expertise and potential in the economic and social fields. At the same time, the General Assembly deserves recognition of its prerogatives as the supreme organ of the United Nations by giving it the possibility to carry out its tasks of coordination and guidance with greater continuity.

At the present juncture, peace-keeping operations are one of the United Nations' most pressing and sensitive responsibilities.