Koncepcje polityki narodowościowej rządów polskich w latach — Wroclaw: Zakład Narodowy im. Czubiński, Antoni. Dzieje najnowsze Polski: Polska Ludowa — Poznań: Wielkopolska Agencja Wydawnicza, , when the Polish United Workers’ Party (Polska Zjednoczona Partia Robotnicza (PK) Sources: Mołdawa; Antoni Czubiński, Dzieje Najnowsze Polski. REFERENCES Adamowski, Z. and Lewandowski, J. () Rolnictwo polskie w dwudziestopicioleciu, Warsaw. Czubinski, A. () Dzieje najnowsze Polski.
|Published (Last):||23 October 2014|
|PDF File Size:||3.71 Mb|
|ePub File Size:||12.29 Mb|
|Price:||Free* [*Free Regsitration Required]|
This paper presents the process of building an independent Polish state during the First World War, which, from the Polish perspective, was the most important result of this conflict. The article focuses mainly on the political and military developments in the Polish territories between and These include the internationalization of the Polish question, Polish political and military activity, occupation regimes in the Polish territories, the collapse poski foreign authorities in Poland, the establishment of Polish political institutions, and Polish social and cultural life.
The classical studies on Poland and the Polish cause in the years czubixki were first published in the s and s and are now outdated. In the last two decades there has been a rise in interest in First World War studies and a parallel departure from the traditional research perspective, as historians have attempted to examine neglected fields, such as the social, cultural, economic, and gender aspects of occurrences between and At the beginning of the 20 th century, the political status of the territories inhabited by the Poles differed greatly.
Due to the partition of Poland at the end of the 18 th century, Poles lived in three different states under varying political, social, economic, and cultural conditions on the eve of the Great War. The Polish language was not allowed in the public sphere, including in contact najnodsze authorities.
Many Poles who did not want to submit to these conditions moved to Galicia, also referred to as Austrian-Poland, where the political atmosphere was completely different. Administrative, education, and judicial systems were polonized. Polish culture flourished and was able to develop without any political obstacles.
The harshest restrictions placed upon Polish national life occurred in Prussian-Poland, where a ruthless process of Germanization was conducted.
The Polish language was forbidden in the administration, in schools, and in the judiciary system. Germans were most hated by the Poles in the years leading up to the war. Many Poles met the growing antagonism between the powers that had partitioned Poland at the end of the 18 th century with satisfaction. War between these powers seemed to be the only way for the Poles to improve their situation and regain independence. In the final years prior to the outbreak of the war, Polish public opinion was divided into two political camps: Dmowski predicted that the approaching military conflict would have a racial character and would be fought between Teutonic Germany and Slavic Russia.
In the future war, Poles should sympathize with and actively help Russia, who, after the victory, would unite all ethnic Polish territories and grant them autonomy within the Russian Empire.
In contrast, pro-Austrian circles argued that the Habsburg Monarchy offered the best conditions for Poles. Following the crushing dziejd a national movement and social revolution in Russian-Poland insocialist activists who wanted to continue their fight for an independent state moved to Austrian-Poland. There they found a safe haven under the protection of the Austro-Hungarian military in return for promising both to instigate a new anti-Russian uprising in the event of an Austrian-Russian war and to deliver information regarding the location and strength of Russian troops in the borderlands and its military infrastructure to Austro-Hungarian intelligence.
In addition, pro-independence activists were granted permission to plan a plot against Russia on Austrian soil. The Austrian government discreetly tolerated this secret military organization. Its main aim was to train military commanders for a new national Polish army, in preparation for the next anti-Russian uprising in Russian-Poland. Events in southeastern Europe generated strong impulses to intensify such activity.
Its aim was the coordination of activities to reestablish Polish statehood with support from Austria-Hungary. The war, which finally erupted in the summer ofsurprised Poles as well as nxjnowsze European societies.
Powstanie Wielkopolskie – Zdzisław Grot, Antoni Czubiński, Benon Miśkiewicz • BookLikes
At this point, Poles displayed loyalty toward their own states — Russia, Austria-Hungary, and Germany — respectively. The Russian authorities noted with astonishment that mobilization in Russian-Poland occurred very smoothly and without any major obstacles, not to mention polskk of sabotage or upheaval.
The Polish reservists joined the ranks peacefully. People gathered in the streets, embracing the Russian army as their own. In Polskk, Princess Maria Lubomirska recorded in her diary that the a long line of troops paraded through the streets, surrounded by enthusastic crowds. The German army bombarded Kalisz and set it on fire after an accidental shooting.
But the greatest enthusiasm for the war among Poles was observed in Galicia, a phenomenon easily explained by the political atmosphere in the pre-war period. At the beginning of the war, Poles in Prussian-Poland were passive but loyal. Moreover, a mobilization order was also published in Polish. This resulted in a so-called Polish-Austrian solution, purportedly to liberate and unite Russian-Poland with Galicia as part of Austria-Hungary-Poland. After the fall of Warsaw in Augustthe committee moved to Petrograd.
However, in the first stage of the Great War the most active Polish political camp worked in Austria-Hungry. But they were met czubbiski indifference and fear by their compatriots, subjects of the tsar. Only a small group of their fellow Poles were open to cooperation. Nevertheless, in the following months hajnowsze First Company was gradually transformed into the Polish legions. Polish voluntary troops were viewed with suspicion by the Austrian military authorities, who were disillusioned by the lack of the promised Polish uprising.
But Polish politicians in Galicia successfully convinced the central government in Vienna that these kinds of units could be useful to the monarchy from a political point of view. This was, however, incomparable to the roughly 3. Many of them were fighting their compatriots on the battlefields. As recollected by Roman Dybowskian Austro-Hungarian officer and professor at Jagiellonian University in Cracow, wrote that he once found a wounded officer in the Russian trenches who, upon hearing Polish phrases, cried out: I am a Pole.
The front lines kept shifting, thus dividing Polish-inhabited territory and causing major disruptions to basic infrastructure.
During this conflict most of the Polish territories, as well as the territories inhabited by significant Polish minorities, existed under different occupation regimes.
Jewish problem in the Polish Communist Party : Review of Nationalities
For example, in autumn80 percent of Galicia was seized by the Russian army and, after the spring and summer offensives ofall of Russian-Poland was occupied by the Central Powers. Only Prussian-Poland was spared from war atrocities on a large scale. As many asGalicians are estimated to have fled najnowszf the inner provinces of Austria-Hungary to escape the Russian invasion in The occupied land was exploited for the export of food and raw materials and in part as a compulsory labor force.
Between andapproximatelytoPoles from Russian-Poland worked in Germany.
This resulted in a rise in unemployment. The mood in the Polish territories, both occupied and unoccupied, also deteriorated due to wartime regulations and economic hardships: As the war dragged on, violent social protests, demonstrations, strikes, and riots multiplied. Some of these had an anti-Semitic character for example, in Cracow in April Polish society tried to organize itself to reduce poverty. In major cities, citizen and relief committees were established to organize and coordinate fundraising najnowdze to help wounded soldiers, widowsorphans, and refugees.
The Catholic Church and other religious denominations played a large role in the effort. Cracow Archbishop Adam Stefan Sapieha organized one of the most vital and effective committees with the help of many landowners and university professors.
In Switzerlandunder the leadership of the Nobel Prize winner for literature Henryk Sienkiewicza committee worked to help war victims in Poland, collecting and transferring money to organizations in Polish territories.
Many Polish artists actively brought a cultural angle into the military efforts. Approximately painters, sculptors, and sketchers voluntarily joined the legions, inspired by feelings of living in a polsli of breakthrough.
Jewish problem in the Polish Communist Party
It tried to influence media on both sides of the front line. Aftera revival of Polish cultural life occurred in Russian-Poland, now liberated from the tsarist regime.
Under the occupation regime, education and judicial systems were polonized.
In autumna new academic year began at Warsaw universitieswith Polish as the language of instruction. They felt misused and exploited rather than treated as an equal and respected ally. Belligerents tried to win Polish hearts and minds from the very beginning of the war, which as a matter of fact was fought largely on Polish soil on its Eastern Front.
On 14 Augustthe Russian commander in chief, Nikolai Nikolaevich, Grand Duke of Russiaannounced that one of the Russian war aims would be to establish a united, autonomous Poland under Romanov scepter, free in its religion, language, and czubisku.
The importance of these statements was diminished by the fact that their authors were neither politicians nor monarchs, but military commanders in the field, and that from a political and legal point of view, those promises were not at all binding.
Belligerents strived for Polish favor, but at the same time tried to avoid tying their hands with commitments of a political nature. Western allies, such as France and najjowsze United Kingdomkept quiet about the Poles, viewing the Polish question as an internal Russian affair.
A real breakthrough occurred najnowszs autumn Moreover, due to the ploski of human, material, and financial resources, Germany under Hindenburg-Ludendorff leadership began implementing a total war concept in summer This, among other things, included mobilizing all available material for the war effort. In this document, Wilhelm II and Francis Joseph I declared the reestablishment of an independent Polish state in the Russian part of Poland, a constitutional monarchy to be allied with the Central Powers.
Poles were then called upon to join the new Polish Army, which would be established on the basis of legions. Second, there was no decision regarding the designation of a future monarch. Despite the lack of more specific political power, the establishment of the Kingdom of Poland on 5 November would later be seen as an important step in rebuilding Poland.
Nevertheless, despite the aforementioned reservations, the Act of 5 November was a major step forward in reestablishing an independent Poland. Poles were allowed to observe their national celebrations and to establish local government institutions. For the first time since the Vienna Czubisi inone of the great powers brought the Polish question onto the international scene. The tsarist government protested in vain. In December najnowzze, Tsar Nicholas II declared that Poland should be free, united, and possess its own political system, but remain in the union with Russia.
It also allowed for the formation of Polish national units within the ranks of the new republican Russian army. This decision untied French and British hands regarding the Polish case, now no longer considered an internal Russian affair.
This body became a kind of unofficial Polish government in exile and an important Polish partner for Western allies, with whom they consulted about their political ideas concerning East Central Europe. Composer and pianist Ignacy Paderewski was another one of the prominent activists.
Their ranks consisted mainly of volunteers from Polish immigrant communities in different countries and German POWs of Polish nationality. This assumption was repeated on 3 June in the Versailles Declaration during one of the Allied conferences as well as in many unilateral statements of Western allies. In the final two years of the war, Polish sympathies had shifted in favor of the Entente, which promised better conditions to the Poles than the Central Powers. In Septemberthe occupiers nominated the three members of the Regency Council Rada Regencyjna as well.
These three institutions played an advisory rather than a decisive role. The occupiers were not willing to give the newly established Kingdom of Poland and its institutions real independence and, until the last months of the war, they possessed decisive control over the strategic administrative branches.